Wednesday, November 18, 2015

CHICAGO’S PROPOSED PRIVATIZATION ORDINANCE: YOU CAN SMELL THE MEAT A COOKIN’

11/18/15
The Chicago City Council is considering an ordinance that would establish certain ground rules and procedures for privatization of city assets and services.   Proposed in response to the 2008 parking meter privatization deal that was a financial disaster for the city, and which would have cost Mayor Richard M. Daley his job had he not quit before he was fired, the ordinance essentially establishes vetting procedures and review processes for privatizations valued at greater than $400mm and with terms of at least 20 years.   What will the outcome of these hearings be?   While one can’t be certain of the specifics, one can make at least one prediction about the ordinance:   given the historic lap dog nature of the Chicago City Council, the ordinance will be whatever Mayor Rahm Emanuel wants it to be.   So debating the finer aspects of this particular proposed ordinance is largely pointless in the sometimes benevolent dictatorship that Chicago has been for the last 80 or so years.   But the incipient debate on the ordinance provides an opportunity to examine the concept of municipal privatization.

The idea of privatization appeals to those, like yours truly, who believe in the efficacy and the efficiency of markets.   Generally, the private sector provides goods and services more efficiently and effectively than does the public sector, so it seems to make sense that privatization would serve the taxpayers and citizens well.   Upon examination, though, this glib supposition breaks down.  

While it’s true that the private sector is generally better at doing what it is charged with doing than is the public sector, the reason for such greater effectiveness is not inherent in the management or the employees of private sector businesses.   Public sector employees are, by and large, hardworking, dedicated, skilled people who take pride in their work, just like private sector employees. What makes the private sector so effective is that the private sector businesses are exposed to the rigors of competition, and competition makes us all better at whatever it is we are doing or trying to do.   The fear of losing business, and possibly one’s livelihood, to a competitor keeps us on our toes.   Businesses face this possibility every day.   Public agencies do not.

The problem with privatizing city services is that what the government does when it privatizes services, be they highways, parking garages, parking meters, garbage pickup, or whatever, is to reward monopolies to private sector businesses.   In providing these services, the winners in the privatization process face no competition; where, for example, the city was formerly the sole provider of garbage pickup services, in a post-privatization scenario, some private sector firm is the sole provider of garbage pickup services.    Where is the competition?   Sure, the contract might have to be rebid periodically, but not very often; in the case of the Chicago parking meters, in 99 years, for example.  While that is an extreme example, even when the contract is rebid more often, replacing vendors is cumbersome and, therefore, inertia, one of the strongest forces in the universe, is likely to prevail.   Barring some monumental flub-up on the part of the provider of privatized services, a privatization contract is likely to be renewed.

Even if one doesn’t buy the argument that the private sector without the pressure of competition is no more effective than the public sector, that a private sector monopoly is no better than a public sector monopoly, it is clear to see that even a theoretically good idea has been perverted by putrid politics, certainly in and around Chicago.   Smart politicians realize that, in our media driven political process, the financial support of grateful recipients of privatization contracts is far more valuable than the shoe leather of precinct captains.  Thus, one’s political lifespan is more effectively enhanced by rewarding multi-million dollar contracts than by keeping loyal soldiers on the public payroll.   This realization is probably why Rahm Emanuel and his mewing city council was so willing to reach a final settlement in the Shakman case.    Who cares about patronage when the real juice for reelection and entrenchment  no longer comes from the precinct level political armies, but, rather, from the cash provided by the recipients of huge contracts privatizing public services?   Is it any wonder that the public looks askance at these privatization deals when the political rewards for awarding the contracts to the “right” people are so abundant and obvious?  

Given the money that is at stake, and the power that money can buy, in the privatization process, does anyone expect that the Mayor and the City Council will enact an ordinance that will keep the process on the up and up?   Even if someone is so naïve as to think that the answer to that question is yes, one has to question the whole premise of privatization.   Is it truly a way to provide services more efficiently and thus spare overburdened taxpayers…or a way to more effectively keep politicians in their lifetime sinecures?




See my two books, The Chairman, A Novel of Big City Politics and The Chairman’s Challenge, A Continuing Novel of Big City Politics, for further illumination on how things work in Chicago and Illinois politics.   The Chairman’s Challenge contains several episodes concerning the benefits of privatization to the entrenched power structure of a fictional (of course!) big city.

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